On Friday 11 September MPs will vote on the
Assisted Dying (No 2) Bill tabled by Labour’s Rob Marris. In case you were
wondering, it’s called ‘No 2’ because an almost identical Assisted
Dying Bill has been tabled in the House of Lords by Labour Peer Lord
Falconer.
Marris wants to change the law to allow mentally competent
adults with less than six months to live to obtain help to kill themselves with
lethal drugs.
Over the next month hundreds of thousands of pounds will be
spent by the campaign group Dignity in Dying (the former Voluntary Euthanasia
Society), who drafted the bill, aided and abetted by its principle cheerleader,
the BBC, who can be guaranteed to give it the full oxygen of publicity and to
grant an international platform to anyone who supports it.
Expect to see more celebrities coming out to back what they
perceive to be a popular cause, more opinion polls telling us that most people
want to see a change in the law and more cynically timed cases of people having
to journey to Switzerland to end their lives at the Dignitas facility because
there is no similar opportunity here.
Expect also to see other campaign groups with more radical
agendas entering the fray in an attempt to see the bill’s provisions extended
to a far wider group of people.
The presence of determined and well-funded groups like the Society
for Old Age Rational Suicide (SOARS), The British Humanist Association, the National
Secular Society and Exit International assures us that any change in the law to
allow assisted suicide for anyone at all will be followed by a continuing
clamour to broaden its provisions even more. It Marris’s law passes it will be
only the beginning.
One of the major arguments put by all of these campaigners
is that our current law is broken and needs fixing. In fact Dignity in Dying plans
to plaster up ‘Fix our broken assisted dying law’ posters all over London throughout
the summer.
Leading politicians across all major parties have already
signalled their opposition to a change in the law. They include SNP leaders
Nicola Sturgeon and Alex Salmond, Labour leadership candidates Andy Burnham and
Jeremy Corban, past and present Liberal Democrat leaders Nick Clegg and Tim
Farron and most of the Tory government’s cabinet, including Prime Minister
David Cameron himself.
But even Cameron, who has been consistent and resolute in
his opposition, seems to weakening under the pressure to concede that the
current law is not fully fit for purpose. In an answer to a recent
parliamentary question he suggested that although he did not support
Marris’s and Falconer’s proposals, he conceded that there were ‘imperfections
and problems with the current law’.
But is our law broken? What is the actual evidence for this
claim? I am struggling to find any at all.
Dignity in Dying are working hard to convince us that there is a huge demand for assisted suicide and that
thousands of well-meaning and compassionate relatives risk prosecution under
the current law for ‘helping’ their loved ones because the law is not clear
enough about whether they will be prosecuted or not.
But in fact none of this is actually true.
Under the current law, the Suicide Act 1961, it is not
against the law to commit, or to attempt to commit, suicide.
On the other hand, ‘encouraging or assisting a suicide’ is a
crime carrying a discretionary sentence
of up to 14 years imprisonment.
The law carries this blanket prohibition of helping people
kill themselves in order to protect vulnerable people from exploitation and
abuse. Any change will remove legal protection from those who are elderly, disabled,
or suffering from physical or mental illness.
It will thereby encourage those who stand to gain
financially or emotionally from their deaths, either to coerce them or subtly
suggest that they take this course, or at very least not to stand in their way.
Yes the law provides a very strong deterrent.
The reason the law makes no exceptions is because laws are
best defended when they hold to strong consistent principles and don’t try to
make exceptions for individuals with arguably extenuating circumstances.
Imagine a speeding law that was accompanied by a list of excusable reasons for
going above 30 mph in a built up area ahead of the event. It would be utterly
unworkable.
Managing exceptions is far better left to the police, the
crown prosecution service and the courts.
This is not a legal fudge but one of the foundations of the
British Justice system.
The handling of an individual hard case is dealt with, not by a piece of paper, but after careful consideration by professionals who know the law, but are able to apply it in any given case with discretion and kindness, to temper justice with mercy.
The handling of an individual hard case is dealt with, not by a piece of paper, but after careful consideration by professionals who know the law, but are able to apply it in any given case with discretion and kindness, to temper justice with mercy.
When a case of alleged assisted suicide is brought to
attention it is first investigated by the police who submit their finding after
a careful examination of the facts to the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) which
must then make a decision about whether to prosecute.
In weighing this decision the Director of Public Prosecutions
(DPP) must decide whether there is enough evidence to bring a case (there often
is not) and whether it is in the public interest to do so.
Only if the answer to both these questions is yes does it
proceed to court. And in the extremely rare event of a conviction resulting,
the judge is also given discretion to make the punishment fit the crime.
Fourteen years is an absolute maximum sentence which is virtually never given.
Those who are convicted and sentenced generally go to prison for far less or do
not receive a custodial sentence at all.
So how is this law actually working? According to the CPS’s
latest figures 1 April 2009 up to 24 April 2015, there have been only 110 cases referred to the CPS by
the police that have been recorded as assisted suicide. This is less than 20
per year or under two every month.
Of these 110 cases, 70 were not proceeded with by the CPS and 25 cases were withdrawn by the
police. In fact in all the high profile cases we see on our television screens
the overwhelming majority result in no charges being brought, let alone any
convictions.
Of the remaining 15 cases eight are ongoing and six were referred onwards for
prosecution for homicide or other serious crime. Yes, some assisted suicide
cases turn out to be cleverly disguised murders where the key witness to what
really happened is dead. This is another reason why it is so crucial that all
cases of alleged assisted suicide are properly investigated. It is the threat
of an investigation that keeps us safe.
Since 2009 only one case has been successfully prosecuted, that of Kevin
Howe in October 2013.
Howe was jailed for twelve
years after supplying his suicidal friend Stephen Walker with petrol and a
lighter in order to set fire to himself. Walker suffered 90% burns but
miraculously survived and now faces a life of treatment and disability as a
result.
The only other person, not yet on the CPS website, who has been convicted and sentenced, whom I
am aware of subsequently, is Lyndsay
Jones who provided another suicidal man Philip Makinson with a heroin and a
syringe in order that he could kill himself with a lethal injection. She was jailed
in July this year for four and a half years.
These are the sort of cases that end up in prison under the
present law.
We are also told by campaigners of the vast numbers of
people who are making one way trips to Switzerland to end their lives at the
Dignitas facility. But the reality is 273
cases in the 16 years from 1998 to 2014 – fewer than 20 a year. Although
each individual case is a tragedy, the numbers are tiny when we put them
alongside the 500,000 people who die in Britain each year from all causes and
the 1,300 and 15,000 annual assisted suicide deaths we would have annually
under the laws currently in place in Oregon and the Netherlands respectively.
Their significance has been magnified in a hugely
disproportionate way by the media. If fact several have gone to Zurich accompanied
by television news teams or have planned their deaths at strategic moments in
the campaign in an almost cynical attempt to influence public opinion and place
pressure on decision-makers. Most also did not need assistance to end their
lives. And most notably not one relative or helper has so far been prosecuted.
The reality is that Britain’s law on assisted suicide is
clear and right and is working well.
The strong penalties it holds in reserve act as a strong
deterrent to exploitation and abuse as evidenced by the tiny number of people
breaking it.
It is also being exercised compassionately as the discretion
it gives to judges and prosecutors means that only two people have so far been
convicted and sentenced under it in the last five years. And neither of these
received the maximum sentence of 14 years.
Having a clear strong and simple law like this offers protection
for disabled, sick and elderly people from those who have an interest,
financial or otherwise in their deaths. Of course it does mean that those who
wish to push its boundaries and break it – for whatever reason – run the risk
of a police investigation, a prosecution and a possible custodial sentence.
But this is a very small price to pay given the protection
that it offers.
The law on assisted suicide is not broken. It is clear, just,
merciful and fair. It does not need fixing.